THE UNDERGROUND NAZI INVASION OF THE UNITED STATES - Part 35
(Note: One may wonder why I am submitting the following three files
concerning Wackenhut, the Florida-based security agency which
provides Armed Security 'serivces' for the various top-secret projects 
being carried out at the Nevada Test Site (...take note of Wackenhut's
illegel collaboration with ALYESKA -- which as we can see in the 
previous posting is a subsidiary of ARCO TRANSPORTATION).  To 
answer this, I will refer to the name Fred L. Crisman once again.  
Crisman, some of you may recall, was heavily involved in the so-called 
"Maurey Island" [Tacoma, WA.] "UFO" sighting and investigation which 
researcher Anthony Kimory believes may have involved a secret test 
flight of joint CIA-NAZI 'wingless' aerial craft -- an investigation which 
culminated in the mysterious deaths of two Army G-2 pilots and [accord-
ing to one source], two other investigators.  Kenneth Arnold [who had 
another sighting over Mt. Rainier just following his investigation of the 
Maurey Island incident under contract with AMAZING STORIES editor 
Ray Palmer], is the man responsible for coining the media term 'flying 
saucers', althrough the aircraft he saw were in fact crescent-shaped 
'discs'.  Palmer stated that strange men in dark suits, possibly govern-
ment agents, were seen in the area, and his conversations with a high-
ranking Air Force officer were bugged and he himself was under surveil-
lance.  Fred L. Crisman who was a principle 'witness' to the Maurey 
Island event was a good friend of Clay Shaw, whom Louisiana District 
Attorney James Garrison [see the movie "JFK"] accused of being the 
CIA-Mafia go-between in the John F. Kennedy assassination.  Crisman 
was also, according to Anthony Kimory, a good friend of Marshall Ricon-
osciuto, the PRO-HITLER father of Michael Riconosciuto who had gain-
ed notoriety for his role as a witness in the "INSLAW" investigation of
Justice Dept. corruption, computer piracy, etc.  Michael was also a 
Wackenhut employee at the Nevada Test Site.  He had stated that he 
turned on his employers and became involved in a plan to smuggle a 
helicopter loaded with sensitive documents and evidence of unconsti-
tutional activities at AREA-51 and the Nevada Test Site [areas that 
are notorious for the reports of top-secret disc-shaped aircraft -- far 
in advance of the "Aurora" craft and with actual antigravity capability 
using antimatter reactor drives -- which have been observed and filmed 
during test flights over the sites, especially Groom Lake and the Pa-
poose Mts.].  These activities apparently involved illegel non Congress-
ionally regulated biogenetic and mind-control research which is being
carried out by a fascist faction of military intelligence within the under-
ground facilities there.  Michael Riconosciuto stated that the chopper 
was blown out of the sky before it could leave the base, killing all five 
personnel on board.  Officially it was labelled an "accident".  The "Nazi" 
connections to the CIA-controlled Wackenhut and ARCO/Alyeska are 
of interest here, and my reason for submitting the following.  Several
of the capitalizations are mine and are intended for emphasis. - Wol.)
- - - - - - - 
             
	STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE GEORGE MILLER
  	CHAIRMAN, HOUSE INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS 
	COMMITTEE OVERSIGHT HEARINGS ON ALYESKA 
	COVERT OPERATIONS --- NOVEMBER 4, 1991
  
  This  is  the  first of two days of hearings before  the  House
Interior   Committee  on  the  subject  of  covert   surveillance
authorized by the Alyeska Pipeline Service Company and  con-
ducted by The Wackenhut Corporation.
  
  On  August  7  of  this  year, the Committee  on  Interior  and
Insular  Affairs  filed  a  written request  for  documents  from
Wackenhut  and  Alyeska in connection with allegations  that the
Wackenhut   Corporation  conducted  undercover  surveillance of
Charles  Hamel  on behalf of Alyeska and its OWNER companies. 
In letters  to both Wackenhut and Alyeska, I expressed concern  
that the surveillance of Mr. Hamel was for the purpose of obtaining
information on and/or interfering with Mr. Hamel's communications
with this Committee.
  
  Charles  Hamel  has been a source of information for  Congress,
state  and federal regulatory agencies, and the media, concerning
environmental,  health and safety VIOLATIONS by Alyeska and its
oil  company  owners (that is, ARCO or Atlantic Richfield. - Wol.).  
Mr.  Hamel has served  as  a  conduit  for  whistleblowers, including  
Alyeska  employees,  to  make  public  information  on  oil industry 
practices. At the  same  time,  Mr. Hamel has at least two significant 
business disputes with ALYESKA and EXXON (previously known
as Standard Oil / I. G. Farben - Wol.)
  
  I  want to make very clear that it is not the purpose of  these
hearings  to  determine whether Mr. Hamel, Alyeska or  Exxon  
are correct  in  the matter of their lawsuits and business disputes.
Nor  is  it the purpose of these hearings to examine whether  Mr.
Hamel's  various  allegations  about  oil  company  environmental
violations are true or not. These are matters for another day and
other forums.
  
  While the validity of Mr. Hamel's environmental allegations  is
not  the focus of these hearings, the fact that Mr. Hamel was an
important  source  of  information for this  Committee's  ongoing
investigation  of  the  Exxon  Valdez  oil  spill   and   Alyeska
operations is very relevant.
  
  In  the  next  two days, we will explore the issue  of  whether
Alyeska's  use  of  a  "bogus"  environmental  group  formed by
Wackenhut spies was an effort to disrupt and compromise a  
source of  information for this Committee's continuing investigation  
of oil industry practices in Alaska.
  
  These hearings are intended to lay bear the full story of  what
happened during the covert surveillance of Mr. Hamel and  others.
We  also  will  seek  to  determine why  the  spy  operation  was
initiated and, equally important, why it was terminated.
  
  In  my  view,  it  is important to find out  why  some  of  the
largest  and  most  powerful corporations in this  country  would
resort  to  such elaborate "sting" tactics to INVADE and DESTROY
the   privacy   of  Mr.  Hamel,  federal  and  state  officials,
environmentalists and ordinary citizens.
  
  It  has  been  suggested  that the sole  purpose  of  Alyeska's
spying  on  Mr.  Hamel was simply to recover "stolen  documents."
However, if the explanation was that simple, this Committee would
not  be involved in these hearings. If Alyeska's sole concern was
"stolen  documents," the laws of this country provide an adequate
means of redress in the courts.
  
  We  believe  that the testimony and the evidence  presented  in
these hearings during the next two days will show that the covert
surveillance  operation  involved  the  much  more  sinister  and
disturbing   motives  of  SILENCING  environmental  critics   and
intimidating whistleblowers.
  
  In  the  course  of  the  Committee's  investigation,  we  have
received  large  numbers of documents, electronic recordings  and
other  materials.  At various times, the Committee  members  have
authorized by unanimous votes the issuance of subpoenas and the
use  of certain documents for which attorney-client privilege was
claimed.
  
  Our   goal   has   been   to  conduct  a  thorough   and   fair
investigation.  We  have  attempted to accommodate  a  number  
of concerns  raised  by the witnesses. In conclusion,  I  especially
want  to express my appreciation for the cooperation that I  have
received from Congressman Young in this endeavor.
  
                          
	TESTIMONY OF SHERREE RICH BEFORE THE 
	UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
	OF THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS COMMITTEE 
	ON INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS
  
           2226 Rayburn House Office Building Washington, D.C.
  
  November 4 & 5, 1991
  
  

Good afternoon, Chairman Miller and Members of this
Subcommittee -
  
  My  name is Sherree Rich. I am testifying today in response  to
a  subpoena about my employment with Wackenhut. I am currently  
a Child  Abuse  Investigator with the State of  Florida.  Prior to that, 
I worked for six months for the Wackenhut Corporation.
  
  Prior  to accepting employment with Wackenhut I had worked  for
the  Tallahassee Police Department for two and a half years,  and
the  Hillsborough County Sheriff's office for three  and  a  half months 
on a special undercover operation.
  
  I   accepted  employment  with  the  Wackenhut  Corporation in
August,  1990, after applying and being interviewed at the  Tampa
office  of  the Wackenhut Corporation. Since I was interested  in
becoming  an investigator I was referred to Wayne Black,  of  the
Miami Special Investigations Division (hereinafter "SID"). Several
weeks  after my initial interview I was contacted by Wayne  Black
for  an  interview. Wackenhut arranged to fly me to Miami for an
interview at the SID offices. During that interview I advised Mr.
Black  that  I  was  interested in becoming an  investigator.  He
agreed  to  train  me  as  an  investigator.  Because  of  recent
undercover  experience in my previous job, he  requested  that  I
begin  work  on  an  undercover  operation  that  Wackenhut  was
conducting in the Washington, D.C. area.
  
  After  completion of my background investigation I  was  hired,
and  went to Miami for final processing and preparation  for  the
operation.  The  final  preparation for leaving  to  conduct  the
activity was to get a large amount of cash for use in setting  up
the undercover office.
  
  Mr.  Wayne Black and I flew up to Washington on or about August
11,  1990.  On  the flight to Washington, D.C. I was  provided  a
number  of  articles to read about Exxon's activities in  Alaska,
environmental  issues about oil spills, and the  Alaska  pipeline
from  Alaska  newspapers. We were joined later by Rick Lund and
Vern  Johnson.  We checked into the Crystal City  Marriot  Hotel,
where  I  stayed  for approximately 4-5 weeks. All  of  my  hotel
expenses were covered by Wackenhut.
  
  During  the  first few days after arriving in  Virginia  I  was briefed  
on  what  my  duties were to be in connection  with  the undercover 
operation. Initially I was told very little about what the real purpose 
of the investigation was. I was directed to open and set up and office, 
posing as "The Ecolit Group," which I knew to be a false identity 
standing for "ecological litigation." This included opening a personal 
bank account in my name, with  ECOLIT on  the  check.  I  deposited 
several thousand dollars.  It  also included  ordering  cards  with  my  
name  on  the  ECOLIT  card identifying myself as a "staff researcher." 
I also ordered  cards for Wayne Black, identifying him as Dr. Wayne 
Jenkins. As part of my cover I also joined the Library of Congress as 
a researcher. I ordered the Anchorage Daily News as part of the cover 
so that the office  looked legitimate. I also purchased several  books  
about environmental issues and several environmental posters, such  
as "SAVE THE WHALES" and "SAVE THE EARTH" as props.
  
  The  bogus office was located at 2341 Jefferson Davis  Highway,
Suite  525,  in  the Century Building, Arlington,  Virginia.  The
office  was  in a suite of offices that shared common secretarial
answering and reception services, and a common lobby. In order 
to appear  legitimate  I  also received daily telephone  calls  from
Miami,  posing as if it was the Miami ECOLIT office, as  well  as
faxes and occasional letters.
  
  At  about  the same time, Mr. Richard Lund, posing as Mr.  John
Fox,  rented a suite in the same location called Overseas Trading
Company.  Although  we were working together in  this  undercover
operation, we pretended only to know Mr. Fox casually because  
he assisted  in getting our computers. In fact, Mr. Rick  Lund,  and
another  gentleman  named Vern Johnson, wired  the  offices  with
video  and  audio  microphones and cameras  for  the  purpose  of
recording  all  of  the  communications and transactions  between
Hamel and Black. This included putting in a video camera inside a
portable  stereo which was wired to Rick Lund's office  where  it
was  picked  up on a receiver and recorded. The sound system  
was also  wired through the ceiling panels to the office two or three
offices  down the hallway. I was present when all the wiring  was
done in these offices.
  
  I  was  present during the time when Rick Lund and Vern Johnson
wired  Ecolit's office in Arlington, Virginia. We arrived at  the QRC  
offices  (where we rented the Ecolit office) at night.  Rick and Vern 
ran wires from John Fox's office, International Overseas Trading,  
through  the ceiling into the Ecolit office.  Rick  had attached  the  
wires to a remote controlled, toy dune  buggy.  He used  this vehicle 
to drive across the inside of the ceiling from his office, across the 
intervening office to the Ecolit office so he could get the wires to the 
Ecolit office. He ran the wire from the  ceiling through a stanchion 
in the wall, cut a hole  in  the wall to bring the wire out and ran the 
wire under the carpet.
  
  Up  until  the  opening of the office all I had been  told  was that  
we  were  conducting the investigation into a person  named Charles  
Hamel.  According to Wayne Black, Mr. Hamel  had  spent about  
ten years trying to seek revenge on Exxon for receiving  a raw  deal  
on oil brokering. Throughout the entire course  of  my involvement 
with the undercover operation, Exxon and Alyeska were used INTER-
CHANGEABLY by all of my superiors. I came to understand that 
Alyeska was a company formed by SEVEN oil  companies,  and 
assumed  that  it  was  the Exxon portion  of  Alyeska  that  was 
requesting the investigation.
  
  As  I  became  more familiar with the investigation  I  learned
that Mr. Hamel was receiving documents and information, 'allegedly'
illegally, from sources within Alyeska. Wayne Black and Rick Lund
told  me  that Hamel would receive Exxon and Alyeska  information
and  then  turn it over to Congressman Miller, and also  get  the
Environmental Protection Agency involved, and that  by  doing  so
Hamel  was  causing Alyeska and Exxon a great deal  of  financial
hardship and negative publicity. It was my understanding that the
purpose  of the investigation was to find out who the sources  of
information were and let Alyeska know who they were, so that they
could  handle the leaks. I believed that as soon as  an  employee
was identified he or she would be terminated. In fact, I believe that  
one employee was identified and terminated during this time frame.
  
  It  was my understanding that the investigation would last  for
six months to a year. In order to staff the office I was told to rent 
an apartment in Crystal City, Virginia. I did so; all of the expenses  
and  costs  for the apartment were paid  by  Wackenhut, including 
a rental car, gas, food, and utilities. The only  thing I was responsible 
for were personal telephone calls and personal items.  I  was  not  
aware of any State of Virginia or local authority license to conduct 
this activity.
  
  My  job was to appear to be researching environmental causes in
and  around the Washington, D.C. area, and to convince Mr.  Hamel
of  the legitimacy of the operation. Throughout the course of the
investigation, when Wayne "Jenkins" Black received documents from
Hamel,  I  was  to  scan those documents into a computer.  I  was
responsible for paying all of the bills for the office.
  
  While  the operation was going on, someone from the Miami office
drove up a Recreational Vehicle Camper fully equipped with living
quarters  and electronic surveillance equipment, such as portable
telephones, two way radios, and other equipment that  I  did  not
recognize  but  understood to be used for  picking  up  telephone
calls. The RV was parked near Mr. Hamel's condo and the park for
one night.
  
  I  was  aware  that Wackenhut had someone pick up  Mr. Hamel's
trash  to go through it for information, and also knew that while
Mr. Black was at Mr. Hamel's house he was wired to pick up all of
their  conversations, and that during his  visit  there  he  went through  
a bunch of Hamel's documents that were lying around and read from 
those documents into the "wire" so that the information could  be  
transmitted back to Rick Lund. On one occasion  I  was also  wired 
to go to Hamel's house, when I gave him a  check  for $2,000.
  
  It   was  my  understanding  that  Hamel  was  having  personal
financial  problems, and that part of the plan was to "hook"  him
into  working with Wackenhut's undercover operations was to make
funds  available to help him support his environmental causes.  I
presented two checks to Mr. Hamel, one in the office and one at
his house.
  
  I  was never present at any meetings in the office or the hotel
room,  and  never went to dinner with Mr. Hamel, but I know  that
Mr. Black met with him in the office and that those meetings were
videoed taped by Mr. Lund in his office down the hall.
  
  The  operation lasted about three months, during which time Mr.
Black  came  from Miami on a number of occasions. At the  end  
of that time frame I was told that the operation was closing down. I
was  told  that  it  was closing down because  Alyeska  attorneys
wanted  to stop the operation. I believe that one of the concerns
that led to closing down the operation was because Wackenhut  
was confirming   that  Hamel  did,  in  fact,  have  information  on
environmental wrongdoing which Wackenhut had no way to handle.
  
  For  the last few weeks of the operations it was unclear to  me
how long it would actually last. Comments were made about closing
it  down  early.  Then  Mr. Black stopped talking  to  Mr.  Hamel
entirely , and directed me to "cover" for him by saying he was in
a  meeting  or  not in his office in Miami. To  the  best  of  my
knowledge  Mr.  Black  never called  him  back.  Then  Mr.  Black
returned to Miami, and I was instructed to close down the  office
and  load the computer equipment, files, posters, and all of  the
props and papers we had collected into a rental van, and drive it
to Miami, which I did.
  
  I  continued  to work at Wackenhut until January, 1991.  During
that  time I had one further follow up involvement with the Hamel
investigation.  Sometime in October or November,  I  was  briefly
interviewed  by  two  attorneys regarding my  activities  in  the
Virginia office. I was only asked by them "why" I was hired,  and
what  my function was in Virginia. Prior to the interview  I  had
been told by Wayne Black to just answer the questions that they
asked very briefly, and not to add anything.
  
  On  my  last day of work I was directed by Gil Mugarra to  pick
up  the  trash  for one of the other investigator's  assignments.
This  involved getting up at about 3:00 a.m. in order  to  insure
that  you  were able to pick up the trash without being seen  and
before the garbage pick up. I questioned this assignment since it
was NOT my case, and 'discussed' it with other investigators and
with  Mr. Mugarra. Following these conversations I believed  that
the assignment had been returned to the original investigator. No
one ever told me that the trash assignment was to be my last. The
next  day, Black called me into his office and asked me what had
happened.  He  advised  me  that I was being  put  on  suspension
because I had "refused" to pick up the trash. That was not  true.
He  told  me  that he would call me the next morning around  8:30
a.m.,  instead he called me around noon the next day and advised
me that I could quit or be fired. I asked him if he would give me
a  good reference if I quit, and he said that the only thing that
would  be  on  my  personnel file would be  that  I  quit,  so  I
resigned.
  
  I  hope  that  this  information is helpful  to  the  Committee
investigating  this matter. I will be pleased to try  and  answer
any questions that you may have.
                   
                   

	TESTIMONY OF CHARLES HAMEL BEFORE THE UNITED 
	STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED 
	STATES CONGRESS COMMITTEE ON INTERIOR AND 
	INSULAR AFFAIRS
  
          2226 Rayburn House Office Building Washington, D.C.
  
  November 4 & 5, 1991
  
  Chairman Miller, Members of the Committee, Good Afternoon.
  
  Thank  you  for  giving me the opportunity to  testify  on  the
Alyeska  investigation conducted into my business activities and
my private life.
  
  My  name  is  Charles  Hamel, of Alexandria,  Virginia.  May  I
introduce  my wife, Kathleen Morgan Hamel and my son Chuck,  Jr.,
Prince  William  Sound  commercial salmon fisherman  of  Cordova,
Alaska.  Accompanying me this afternoon is my friend and counsel,
Billie Pirner Garde.
  
  I  grew up in Watertown, Connecticut, attending Assumption Prep
School   and   a   year  at  Assumption  College  in   Worcester,
Massachusetts.  My  sophomore  year  was  at  the  Universite de
Montpellier in France, after which I was drafted into the  United
States Army in Europe during the Korean War. I served in Military
Intelligence on loan to the French Army in Koblenz, Germany. Upon
my  honorable  discharge, I remained in Europe as  Administrative
Officer, Off-Shore Procurement Program, United States Embassy, 
in Brussels,  Belgium, in support of the U.S. forces  in  Korea.  In
1954 I returned home to continue my studies in foreign trade here
at  Georgetown  University  School of  Foreign  Service.  Senator
Hubert  Humphrey helped me gain an elevator operator job  in  the
Capitol.  Thereafter I was a student staff member in the  offices
of  Senator  Ralph  Yarborough  and  Majority  Leader  Lyndon  B.
Johnson.
  
  In  1958  I  became the Administrative Assistant  to  the  late
Senator Thomas J. Dodd of Connecticut. Following years in foreign
trade, I again returned to the Capitol for two years as Executive
Assistant to my former prep school roommate, Senator Mike Gravel
of   Alaska.  Among  my  duties,  as  his  assistant,  I   worked
relentlessly to convince Alaska residents, commercial  fishermen,
Natives  and the public that the oil industry would be  good  for
Alaska  and would surely build an environmentally sound  pipeline
and port terminal. Prior to construction, I traveled the 800 mile
right-of-way from Prudhoe Bay to Valdez.
  
  In  the foreign trade business, I worked mainly as a management
consultant, and commodities, ship and cargo broker/agent. In this
capacity,  I  had the opportunity to represent foreign  countries
and  arrange  purchases of grain and other commodities  on  their
behalf. Once I negotiated the purchase, I would arrange the ocean
transportation of those commodities to other parts of the  world.
I  also  brokered  the sale of oil and arranged long  term  crude
tanker  contracts.  Eventually, I became an independent  oil  and
shipping broker. In addition I acquired partial ownership in  oil
leases  in Alaska and the lower U.S. I worked very hard and was
fortunate enough to be very successful for a period of years.
  
  In  1980, all my hard work and success began to fall apart when
my  clients discovered that they were not getting the crude  that
they  were  paying for, but were instead receiving oil  that  was
significantly DILUTED with water. I could not cover the losses 
and by 1982 I had lost my clients, my source of income, and  my
credibility  in the eyes of the business community I represented.
From  that point forward I began to lose everything I had  worked
for over the years.
  
  At  first,  EXXON  executives led me to  believe  the  dilution
problem was caused by malfeasance at the Panama Canal trans-
shipment  point. My investigations in Panama proved otherwise.  I
brought  my discoveries to the attention of EXXON and  other  oil
company  executives  who I had come to know personally over the
years. However, soon I realized that the water in the oil was  NO
MISTAKE and it was, by no means, limited to me or my clients.  
In fact, I was provided EXXON documents that proved that EXXON, 
ARCO and British Petroleum were quite aware of the water problem.
  
  I  had  sincerely believed that the Alaska oil  executives  and
Owners  of  the  Alyeska  Pipeline would take  prompt  corrective
action.  NOTHING  was done. Instead they DENIED the truth, and
apparently  hoped  that  I would forget about  my  business,  the
damage  to  my credibility and reputation, and my lost income.  I
could  not do that then, or now. I built my business not only  on
hard  work but on the honesty of my word. When the Alyeska 
owners CHEATED my  clients, they were, in effect, making me  
out as a dishonest businessman before my own clients.  (The
oil/gas price hikes of 1996, etc., had absolutely no reasonable
basis other than to INCREASE the income of the Oil Companies.
It appears that Mr. Hamel is not the only one being "cheated"
by the petroleum monopolists. - Wol.)
  
  In  1985,  I  decided  to  expose the  dishonesty  of  the  oil
industry  in regards to the water in the oil issue, and attempted
to  insure that there was some accountability of the industry  in
connection with their business practices. By this time I had also
come  to the conclusion that the oil industry was turning  Alaska
into  an environmental disaster. Employees I talked to in Valdez,
friends  I  knew  in the industry, people I had worked  with  for
years were all discussing the dismal performance of Alyeska in
regards to their commitment to environmental and worker safety.
  
  I  realized that I was not the only victim of the dishonesty of
the oil industry in Alaska -- we were ALL victims, and no one was
doing  anything  about  it. We were living in a CONSPIRACY OF
SILENCE waiting for an environmental disaster to occur and, as
you  know, IT DID. I decided that I had to do something to  prove
to  the public that the oil industry had VIOLATED their legal and
moral obligations to Alaska. The more I heard, the angrier I  got
about  what  was  going on. Alyeska was polluting  the  water  by
introducing TOXIC sludge, including cancer-causing benzene, into
the  pristine  waters  of Port Valdez and Prince  William  Sound.
Alyeska was poisoning the Valdez fjord's air by venting extremely
hazardous hydrocarbon vapors directly into the atmosphere.  There
was  NO  regulatory oversight, and thus no regulatory violations.
It  was  as if the environmental regulations of the United States
did not even apply north of the Canadian border -- no regulators,
no  oversight,  no  enforcement --  nothing.  In  fact,  the  oil
industry wasn't putting out anything but POISON and LIES.
  
  In  order  to pursue the excessive water in the oil  matter,  I
filed   an  administrative  complaint  with  the  Alaska   Public
Utilities  Commission  ("APUC"). At the hearing,  former Alyeska
employee, Erlene Blake, at great risk, testified that, as  senior
laboratory technician responsible for testing the amount of water
in  the  oil, she continually discovered EXCESSIVE water in the
oil, but had been DIRECTED by her supervisors to FALSIFY the 
log entries to show only acceptable levels in the samples.  During
this same period, she was REQUIRED TO FALSIFY laboratory 
analysis with  regard  to water quality. The reports to the United  
States Environmental Protection Agency ("EPA") were FALSE.  
Because she was so troubled by those instructions, as suggested 
by an  assistant  lab  tech,  she  secretly  maintained  log  books  
of  duplicate  entries,  recording the true lab analysis  beside the
falsified  data -- a red book for the water in oil and  a  yellow
log book for the EPA violations.
  
  Alyeska  adamantly denied her allegations and  DISCREDITED  
her testimony by claiming she couldn't produce the notebooks with 
the double  entries  of oil and water. In fact, Ms. Blake  could  not
produce  the  logs because an Alyeska supervisor BROKE INTO
HER PERSONAL LOCKER AND STOLE THEM.  She  couldn't   
prove her allegations, and neither could I. But we knew it was true. 
So did Alyeska.
  
  Not  long  after  the  hearing I was contacted  by  an  Alyeska
employee - Bob  Scott. Two Alyeska supervisors BOASTED to Mr.
Scott and several fellow technicians that the log books had  been
removed  from  her locker, had not been destroyed  and  were  not
produced  as  required by the APUC subpoena. He was ashamed of
Alyeska  management's ILLEGAL actions. He knew that Alyeska had
cheated  me,  had deceived the APUC, and had discredited  one  of
their  own  honest  employees. He  also  knew  that  Alyeska  was
violating numerous environmental and worker safety regulations.
  
  Bob  Scott was among the first of many employees that  provided
me  information about violations of environmental regulations  by
Alyeska.  As  I learned of these abuses, I in turn, provided  the
information  to  the appropriate government agencies  responsible
for  investigating  these  matters, including  EPA,  the  General
Accounting  Office  and  the Alaska Department  of  Environmental
Conservation. In the beginning it was very difficult to  get  any
government  action on the employee's allegations. I  then  turned
the  information over to the press and, sometimes, to members  of
Congress. There was a profound skepticism everywhere that the oil
industry  would knowingly pollute the environment and harm  their
own  employees  in Alaska. The Alyeska public relations campaign
was working. Few newspapers would print the facts. Few regulators
would even listen.
  
  Alyeska tried hard to discredit me by attacking my motives,  my
sources of information, my credibility, and attempting to portray
me  as a vengeful -- if not slightly insane -- opponent of the  oil
industry.  But their "kill the messenger approach" backfired.  It
seemed  that  the harder Alyeska tried to discredit me  publicly,
the  more  their employees came to me with information privately.
In  fact, frequently the public denial of facts, known to be true
to Alyeska employees, led those employees to my doorstep.
  
  By  the  end  of  1985, I had provided substantial  documentary
evidence  to  the EPA about environmental wrongdoing by Alyeska.
Rather than deal honestly with these facts, Alyeska sued the EPA
to  force disclosure of the documents. The United States District
Court,  and  the  U.S. Court of Appeals, I am  grateful  to  say,
denied  Alyeska access to the documents because to  do  so  
could have identified my sources, who feared retaliation.
  
  In  1985  the oil industry attempted to find out what it  would
take to make me go away. As requested, I calculated my actual
business  losses  at  $12 million dollars. I also  insisted  that
actions  be  taken  to clean up the environmental  issues  I  had
raised,  including an audit of the Valdez terminal,  a  pollution
monitoring  program funded by Alyeska and run by  an  indepen-
dent group not accountable  to  the  oil  industry,  and  a  medical
monitoring  fund  for  the  Alyeska  technicians  who  had  been
needlessly  exposed to toxic vapors. The industry obviously was
not prepared to meet those demands to get rid of me.
  
  I  continued  to receive information from employees  --  horror
stories  of  poison and pollution which I conveyed to the  media,
Congress and government agencies. Alyeska  had  to  be dragged
kicking and screaming through each corrective action. However, it
was  apparent to fishing community leaders like Dr. Riki Ott  and
Rick  Steiner  of  Cordova,  my loyal supporters  throughout  the
years,  that  a major disaster was imminent. Early  in  1989  the
severity of the problems demanded Congressional intervention and
your  Committee's  Majority staff agreed. But  within  weeks  the
Exxon Valdez oil spill occurred, and everything in Alaska changed
forever. The allegations I had been pointing out to the  EPA  for
years  to  no avail were suddenly "high priority," and  even  the
public began to doubt the public relations departments of the oil
industry.
  
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